A mid record-high public hostility toward Israel and the wars taxpayers are financing on its behalf, the Israel lobby has mobilized to pass a National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for 2027 which includes language designed to sustain the yearslong wealth transfer from Americans to Israelis and cement that relationship in ways that would be less transparent and more difficult to challenge through democratic processes. 

At the same time, a coalition led by outgoing Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY) has launched a counteroffensive to block a separate track of funding for Israel's wars, targeting the transfer of $3.3 billion to Israel embedded within the National Security, Department of State, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2027, which is also up for vote this summer. 

The first bill—the NDAA—was highlighted by The American Conservative earlier this month. It includes language within its Section 224 (since renumbered Section 219 in the House) that would direct the Pentagon to identify Israeli-origin technologies "for potential integration into United States systems and programs of record" and to build "United States-based co-production or manufacturing partnerships with Israeli industry." Section 219, if enacted, "would be unprecedented," Annelle Sheline of the Quincy Institute told TAC. "No other foreign country has an executive agent in the Pentagon to integrate our military industrial complex with theirs."

Along with merging Israeli and American weapons technology and data, Section 219 would shift funding for Israeli weaponry from Congress to the Pentagon's murky procurement system.

"This so clearly seems to be an attempt to shield money from cratering public opinion," Sheline said. She noted that "Americans do not want to fund a country engaged in genocide and which led us into the Iran War," adding that, rather than representing public opinion and cutting off Israel's funding, Congress has moved to conceal it. 

Such a merger carries inherent national security risks. The presence of foreign components in U.S. systems raises the threat those systems' integrity will be compromised, a danger heightened in this case by Israel's demonstrated capability and willingness to weaponize supply chains, as exhibited in their 2024 attack that involved the detonation of thousands of pagers which had been engineered into remote-controlled bombs. Joe Kent, the former director of the National Center for Counterterrorism, argues similarly that "the dangers of allowing any other nation to access our sensitive military technologies are obvious, including the fact that back doors and spyware can be installed that will most certainly be used by the Israelis to influence U.S. policy."

But Section 219 of the NDAA would hinder American national security in much more immediate ways, principally by reducing the leverage Washington currently maintains to influence Israeli behavior in the region. "At present," Sheline explains, "Israel is dependent on U.S. weapons and components, particularly their air force." That U.S. support has enabled the Israelis to perpetrate a genocide in Gaza, ethnically cleanse southern Lebanon, and launch two wars against Iran, with Israel's defense minister recently threatening a third.

"The U.S. could at present use leverage to change that Israeli behavior," Sheline says. But by merging U.S. and Israeli weapons development, "this legislation would reverse it so that the [Israelis] could do that to us."

Despite the various threats to American national security posed by the provision, section 219 this week moved closer to its expected final passage, with the House Rules Committee on Monday rejecting a bipartisan amendment introduced by Reps. Ro Khanna (D-CA) and Thomas Massie (R-KY) that would have stripped the "United States-Israel Defense Technology Cooperation Initiative" from the NDAA.